As if everything were to finish tomorrow. Thus the opposition focuses on the beginning of the political course with an offensive from all fronts that seeks to portray a president of the cornered government and a legislature on the eve of reaching an end. And, therefore, it glimpse a budding electoral advance that would give way to the long -awaited eviction of Pedro Sánchez de la Moncloa.
This strategy of trying to exacerbate the symptoms of the alleged end of the cycle is displayed vigorous in early September by land, sea and air. With some movements that point to that direction not only from Genoa street, but even from the judicial field. A plan that is not new, nor does it crash so far with the political reality of the country: neither the president contemplates calling elections, nor his parliamentary partners show any of forcing his fall. At least, for now.
This same week, Sánchez again ensures in public that he is so clear that he does not plan to advance the elections that he would not even suffer if he suffers as hard as the Congress knocks on the General State Budgets. “If Parliament tombs that does not mean that the government will not continue to maintain its road map,” he said in an interview in TVE.
In that same interview, the president made statements about the maneuvers of some courts in cases that directly affect the government or the personal environment of Sánchez himself. “I will always be with judges and prosecutors who fight against corruption and pursue the offender. But there are judges doing politicians and politicians trying to do justice, and they do immense damage to justice,” he said.
His response occurred in the context of the judge's instruction on his partner, Begoña Gómez. In an endless process that has failed to yield indications of criminal behaviors, the magistrate made two new movements this week. First, to demand that the presidency of the Government all the emails that Sánchez's wife has sent and received for seven years from his official account. Second, now put their sights in the high position that is today in the position that Felix Bolaños held in Moncloa.
The magistrate, who keeps the government delegate in Madrid, Francisco Martínez, and who tried with the Minister of Justice himself, tries to imply the Executive again in the case. In that last resolution of this week the judge asks who has been general secretaries of presidency since the advisor of Begoña Gómez was hired, although she has already questioned two of them, Bolaños and Francisco Martínez.
The current Secretary General of the Presidency is Judit Alexandra Gómez Pedraz, who replaced Francisco Martínez in the late 2023, when he was elected as Government delegate in Madrid. As usual in hairstyle, the judge does not reason the ordered diligence and is limited to pointing out that the General Secretariat of Presidency of the Government is required to report the “full name of the different persons who have been holding the position of Secretary General of Presidency of the Government since July 11, 2018”, date on which Cristina Álvarez Assistant of Begoña Gómez was appointed.
In that environment, the president's words on TVE on the performance of some judges served, however, so that part of the country's high judiciary would find the perfect context of returning to the offensive. The reaction of the judicial associations, except the progressive, was to accuse the president of the Government of missing respect for the judges for attributing political motivations. And even claim, together with several conservative vowels of the Judiciary, to exclude the Attorney General and the members of the Solemn Opening Act of the Judicial Year that took place this Friday.
Just at that point, in the solemn opening act of the judicial year, the most conservative judiciary and the main opposition party converged. While Feijóo and other leaders of the PP planted the king in the ceremony, the conservative associations and vowels of the Judiciary insisted on excluding from the appointment to the Minister of Justice and the Attorney General himself, about to sit on the bench to be tried for alleged revelation of secrets.
So Feijóo and other leaders of the PP followed the almost accompanied reaction of the conservative associations of judges and fiscal and the vowels of the Judiciary elected at the initiative of the Popular Party itself. The main associations of the judicial right affirmed in a statement that García Ortiz's assistance to the act of the Supreme Court “constitutes an act of contempt for the basic principles of the rule of law and the head of the State” and asked him not to attend “out of respect” to the king and those who integrate the judicial and fiscal careers.
What was followed by the offensive of the vowels of the CGPJ chosen at the initiative of the PP, who claimed by letter to the president of the body, Isabel Perelló, to ask the Attorney General to be absent from the act, in addition to requesting that the Minister Bolaños of the Supreme Estpremo in which King Felipe VI and the rest of high authorities be removed. Perelló herself, this Friday, echoed that environment and demanded the end of criticism of the judges in her speech of the opening of the judicial year, before the King and the Minister of Justice. “Trust and credibility in justice are a common good that must be preserved. Judges do not obey orders or instructions from anyone, now, independence does not equal free arbitration,” he said.
In that context, and with much of the published opinion by poling the discourse of the right that the end of the legislature is a matter of days, in the Moncloa they prepare not only to resist the course, but to try to hurry the options of a four -year legislature. The growing climate of polarization, inflamed by the sometimes indistinguishable strategy of the PP and VOX in matters such as immigration or climate change, is also seen in a part of the Executive as an opportunity to recover the lost pulse, re -bind again to a parliamentary majority of a parliamentary designed and recover impulse before a progressive electorate whipped and demobilized mainly by corruption cases.
No one tells the government, of course, to attend something similar to a political truce on the right. The irrefutable proof, point in Moncloa, is that not even a measure that mainly benefits autonomous communities governed by the PP, as is the millionaire removes debt, will have the support of the popular.
Feijóo's own direction, in the mouth of his secretary general, Miguel Tellado, committed the “unity” of his regional leaders in the rejection of financial relief, despite the fact that President Riojan has already announced that he will accept it. A panorama to which the vice -secretary Ester Muñoz reminds them that “they have signed in two roles” not to take on a measure that would mean a financial relief of hundreds of millions of euros to the regional public coffers.
In what Moncloa turns around the holidays, therefore, it is to strengthen bridges with Catalan independence in search of a budget horizon that not only allows us to provide an updated accounts to the State, but serve as a powerful political message that the legislature goes for long. To reach this political stability, they believe in the socialist ranks that he would have left for the next electoral cycle because Feijóo and the right would be “to make very long” a time when they proclaim that Pedro Sánchez is finished one day yes and another too.
What is assumed in the Executive, of course, is that it will not be easy. And not only by judicial means, on which many voices in the government think that “it has happened worse” because it is difficult to imagine “one major stick” to see number two of the PSOE between bars. The greater complexity will actually be the usual since the July 23 elections. Get a parliamentary majority that supports Pedro Sánchez's fundamental passes to be able to sustain his mandate. Something that, however, seems determined to do until the end, again, against wind and tide.
