Carlos Mazón had three hours and 46 minutes of speech and could no longer. He maybe, but his bladder asked for dead time. The president of the Chamber attended the petition and ordered a brief recess. “The president needs five minutes.” Presumably, to go to the bathroom. Mazón reduced the wait: “I hope they are three.” It was too optimistic, as in almost everything that has to do with its management. The plenary resumed almost fifteen minutes later. He still had an hour of speech that the total duration was four hours and 51 minutes.
It can be said that it was an achievement of the Valencian president. He got the intervention longer than his ventorro food on the day of the Dana in which 229 people died. The difference is that this time no one died due to the strange conception that Mazón has of time.
At no time for his endless speech at Les Corts, Mazón talked about what he did on the catastrophe, which is being investigated by the Catarroja judge. It was that day in which it did not appear at the Cecopi (the emergency center) until 20.28 after spending all day busy on the agenda of what was a normal day for him. He was the only Valencian who did not look that day towards the sky with concern. He had to collect a minor award, to see the employer and unions to talk about budgets and meet at a meal with a journalist – when his government had already received the news of the imminent deployment of the UME – with the ultimate goal of controlling autonomous television.
Since then, both he and his party have taken care of building an alternative story on October 29, almost always trying to deny the revelations appeared in judicial instruction. Despite that, he had the rennet to report in Parliament that his rivals falsify reality with “an artificial, opportunistic and infamous construction of a story that falls to pieces.” Actually, according to his version, he is the authentic (political) victim of the tragedy.
There came a time when the representatives of the associations of victims who followed the debate from the public's tribune had already had enough. It was when Mazón tried to manipulate them in his favor. He said that their doors had always been open to receive them and claimed that these victims “have transmitted their outrage” for the political manipulation for which the opposition is responsible.
That was when the relatives of the deceased decided to leave the gallery. The deputies of the PSOE and Compromís accompanied them in their gesture. A PP deputy told them they wanted to go to eat. Several of his companions laughed at him.
The socialist spokesman, José Muñoz, used the letter published on September 5 by Maribel Vilaplana, who was with Mazón in the ventorro. Ten months after the events, the journalist had told that the president did not transmit any concern for the rains and that the food ended at 18.45, later than he believed. “Are you not going to tell us what he did after leaving El Ventorro at 18.45 and arriving at Cecopi at 20.28? They have spent eleven months and the Valencians still do not know what their president did.”
He gave another example: “While the Picaña bridge was engulfed by the water, Mazón was still in the ventor.” The president did not flinch or dared to mention that meal, which placed him then and now in an indefensible position.
In his replica, Joan Baldoví, from Compromís, also affected the food that lasted three hours and 45 minutes: “Do you really think that emergencies face from the ventor's desk? I do not know a more cheeky, more immoral and more cynical person than you.” To the PP deputies, they reproached them to applaud as robots (it must be said that sometimes without much enthusiasm). “What applaud, that you have given five different versions? What did not say what you did since she came out of the food until she arrived at the Palau?” Baldoví asked.
Mazón had preferred to insist on the alleged “informative blackout” hardly compatible with the maximum alert announced by the AEMET since the early morning of October 29 and the 198 electronic emails sent by the Júcar Hydrographic Confederation. Several organizations could be much more before and during the DANA, but the key is what a government does with the information it receives. His alarm did not arrive until night when most of the victims had already died. Before Mazón had not deigned to appear at the Cecopi and his Emergency Minister had given well evidence that he was not up to his responsibility.
Mazón placed everything close to Vox. He made fun of the environmentalists, whom he defined as city urbanites that only go to the field on the weekend. Son of a doctor, he studied law in Alicante, with 25 years he obtained his first position as general director of Youth and no longer left the policy. Your personal connection with the rural environment is non -existent. He ended up using the language of the extreme right when referring to “the jihadist application of Green Deal”, a concept of parodies that appear in television humor programs.
He was so determined to please Vox that he even had a praiseful words to Charlie Kirk, the ultra -right -wing fan murdered in the United States. Kirk's connections with Valencian politics are not very deep, but there was Mazón to solve it when he gave the replica to the Vox spokesman: “To agree is to give in. The unique thought is that of others. This explained it very well Charlie Kirk. The direct path towards hatred is the lack of dialogue. It is one of her legacies that I share.” It is not bad for someone who did not know who Kirk was fifteen days ago, but who is now pelled in his legacy.
Another gesture of love towards Vox was the time when he raised the “Catalan” danger. He announced the presentation of a “Valencian identity sign law”, an issue that was not known that it was an urgency, because it is to be assumed that the Valencians know who they are without the need for the government to be told.
The spotlight is placed in the Valencian Academia of La Clengua, created in 1998 by the Government of Zaplana with the mission of establishing the linguistic regulations of the language. He does not like the name and wants him to be called “Academia de la Clengua Valenciana.” As the statute should be reform, which requires a reinforced majority, it has no chance of getting ahead without the support of the opposition, but it will allow you to say to Vox that both are in the same ship.
He is interested and worried about the Valencian language that he pronounced almost all his first speech in Spanish, in addition to all replicas to the opposition.
Mazón only spoke to his, to his party and his voters. It was a desperate attempt to appear the return to normal almost a year after the Dana. He presented 41 measures for the future, as if it were an investiture speech, assuming that he will be in office until the end of the legislature and that he will be the candidate of his party again. Everything looked like a fiction while those who applauded pretended that nothing had happened almost a year ago, as if the Dana had not existed and this was a normal legislature. In fact, Mazón spoke more about Pedro Sánchez than Francisco Gan Pampols. The retired general entered his government as vice president to direct the reconstruction and will leave office in a few weeks, because it seems that he has nothing to do.
The Popular Party has given him all the support through the Secretary General, Miguel Tellado. Only ten days ago, Tellado was at a game of the game after the holidays. “I ask us to work together under the leadership of Carlos Mazón,” he said. It was the act in which Mazón left a phrase for history: “We did take emergencies.” 229 dead and a meal of almost four hours on cars day support you.