“They have to defame because they have to cover the corruption mountain.” The Madrid president, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, went to the control session last Thursday at the Madrid Assembly willing to answer all the attacks she receives from the opposition using the Koldo case and the involvement of Santos Cerdán. And not only lashed out against the PSOE, but also against more Madrid: “They are worse to protect the corruption of the State.”
Ayuso has been defensive in the weekly plenary sessions for months. The opposition puts the information that affects their partner and the Quirón group, and so far their response did not go from referring to a persecution against it and encapsulate the alleged fraud in the businesses of a particular citizen: “I regret it, see that it bothers them, I have nothing to do”. Far away were those first hours when he defended that it was the Treasury that owed 600,000 euros to his partner and that the finance inspection that resulted in a complaint by the Prosecutor's Office actually hid an operation of “all the powers of the State.”
The involvement of Santos Cerdán in the Koldo case and the branches of the plot in Navarra now serve Ayuso to move on to attack and take a crusade against corruption in which both she and the rest of her government accuse others of “sponsoring” and “covering” while minimizing cases that affect the Madrid president.
Ana Millán, the investigated who does not stop ascending
“What is clear is that Pedro Sánchez knew and covered it; he knew it and allowed the legislature to continue as if nothing happened,” said the spokesman for the regional executive, Miguel Ángel García Martín, at a press conference last Wednesday. They had not asked him about the president of the Government, if not Ana Millán.
Millán is a PP policy charged with four crimes of corruption in an investigation that started in 2022 in a Navalcarnero Court (Madrid). The cause maintains, from reports from the Central Operational Unit (UCO) of the Civil Guard, which Millán favored with public contracts to an entrepreneur during his stage at the head of a council of Arroyomolinos (Madrid), in exchange for prebendas for her and two close relatives.
Ayuso has not only acted against Millán: he has been ascending it and giving him more responsibilities. Millán was in the lists of the party in the last elections, when he was already being investigated, in a movement that guaranteed the aforementation. After the elections, Ayuso placed it as the first vice president of the Madrid Assembly and recently has appointed the vowel that represents the popular Madrid in the Organizing Commission of the XXII National Congress of the PP.
The regional government and Ayuso itself navigate in this case of corruption as for the rest of the scandals that affect them: they are never relevant and even less compared to everything that the Executive of Sánchez does. Or, as in the case, which affects its partner, the argument turns towards persecution from all the structures of the State.
The floors of Ayuso
Ayuso has shielded himself in that false persecution to dodge any explanation about his partner's businesses with the Quironic health giant, about the money that Alberto González Amador acknowledged having fraud after giving a ball with masks in the pandemic, on the investigation opened for corruption in business or on the derivative that directly affects the regional president: the floors in which he lives.
While launching the accusations against others, Ayuso has not yet responded in more than a year on the housing solution that has allowed him to dodge the housing crisis that She herself regretted not long ago. The Madrid president lives on the luxury floor that her partner bought after the alleged fraud, but also enjoys a luxury attic, located on the top floor, owned by a company linked to a González Amador's lawyer.
The combo of lack of explanations and wild card of the persecution against it has been repeated in the other two cases that have affected it more directly. First, that of Avalmadrid: the semi -public entity in 2011 endorsed a loan of 400,000 euros for MC Unfortunate, the company participated 25% by Ayuso's father. He did it against the criteria of the technicians and after a mediation of Ayuso by Email.
The operation, as technicians warned, was a failure. Ayuso's company did not pay the credit, so Avalmadrid had to take care of the return. “I have not mediated, I have not pressed, it was nobody,” said Ayuso, who was an advisor to Aguirre and was about to become an autonomous deputy of the PP. The Assembly Investigation Commission concluded that there were irregularities and that his father obtained a “preferential treatment.”
Of the accounts of the community to those of his brother
But without a doubt, the clearest case that has affected Ayuso is the mask contract with which his brother was enriched. The Ministry of Health of his Government tendered a contract of 1.5 million euros to the Priviet Sportive SL company in exchange for bringing 250,000 masks to Spain.
So far, one more case of those in the pandemic: a company unrelated to the health sector that does a huge business selling masks at exorbitant prices. Like that of González Amador. But this has a particularity: the owner of the company is a friend of the childhood of Ayuso and the commissioner who did business was his brother.
Tomas Díaz Ayuso charged, in total and in four payments, 234,103.52 euros. That is, he earned money with the efforts made to get masks that his sister's government bought. “It seems denigrating to have to clarify my brother's business relations,” said Ayuso when he finally decided to talk about the case, which ended up archived by the European Prosecutor's Office.
This is, by the way, the only scandal that has gained a resignation: that of Pablo Casado, who publicly pointed out the possibility that the owner of the company of the masks were a mere intermediary between the regional budget and the pocket of Tomás Díaz Ayuso, and added: “Beyond that it is illegal, the question is if it is understandable that on April 1, 2020, when 700 people died in Spain, 700 people euros for selling masks ”. Shortly after an internal blow in the party evicted him from the presidency of the PP and placed Alberto Núñez Feijóo.
Fractional contracts
Ayuso's strategy is always to deny everything and talk about a conspiracy. But there is a case on which we have not yet listened to a word: that of the FP centers. While the regional president gives exemplary lessons in the Assembly and affected the corruption of others, justice has an open investigation by the fractionation of contracts in the construction of professional training centers.
A summary. In tens of FP centers of the Community of Madrid, millionaire reforms were made fractional contracts. Leaving the tenders below 40,000 euros the regional government eluded the controls, dodged the intervention and could grant them by finger.
In the Prosecutor's Office and in the statements of witnesses and accused it has been accredited that it was acted in almost all the areas of Madrid (each one has a general director) and even in centers that were not of FP, and benefited from different companies, which makes it suspect that the order to irregularly spend the money did not start from the directors of the institutes. The then Minister of Education was Enrique Ossorio, now president of the Regional Chamber.
The Madrid Assembly, from which Ayuso accused the opposition of trying to “cover the corruption mountain,” he refused to implement an investigation into the case of the FP centers. Its president, Enrique Ossorio, was the Minister of Education in the Government of Ayuso who financed some of the works investigated by Justice.
