Everyone calls him president, but it is only his community (the popular). His position, the leader or opposition leader, is not even regulated by law. It only appears – and must be descended to find it until the 15th position – in the Royal Decree of precedences of the State that is used only for the order of protocol acts. Ahead of him, there are the regional presidents, the former government presidents, the dean of the diplomatic corps and even the foreign ambassadors accredited in Spain. And for someone who, like Alberto Núñez Feijóo, had the institutional power of the Xunta for 13 years and it was everything in Galicia is a role that never thought that he was going to last so long. Three long years and there it is still, on the seventh floor of Genoa Street. He thought he would govern in 2023, but failed in the calculation and with him all the prognosis of the democoppus with which he recreated every morning.
He was again erring when before the summer, with the entry into prison of the penultimate secretary of Organization of the PSOE, Santos Cerdán, came to believe that he had Pedro Sánchez against the strings, that the government would fall in a matter of weeks and that the PP should be ready for its landing in La Moncloa. He convened, by surprise, a National PP Congress in July with that purpose, but September has returned to a stubborn reality: the determination of the government president to reach 2027, which is when the mandate concludes constitutionally.
It is still in front, yes, of the party with more institutional power in Spain, but with a diminishing leadership between its electoral base and notorious internal problems to draw a unit road map in all territories. The barons, especially but not only Madrid's Isabel Díaz Ayuso, mark the step in nuclear matters, such as the relationship with Junts, the distribution of unaccompanied migrant minors, the possibility of any agreement by minimum that was with the government or, as seen in recent weeks, the position on Israel's genocide in Gaza.
It is not the first time nor will it be the last. The sequence with which Ayuso becomes resistance to Feijóo's strategy is frequent: the national president fixes position, she marks his own profile and he corrects the course. The most recent has been when the leader of the PP tone against the government of Israel and asked to stop the “massacre of civilians” in Gaza and she replied that she was already well to “go against the only liberal democracy of the Middle East.”
As if that were not enough, Vox and his boom in the polls determine the strategy in matters of special social sensitivity such as immigration or abortion, as has happened this week at the Madrid City Council with a motion of the extreme right supported by the PP of Almeida that forced to inform women in the municipal centers of a non-existent post-abortion syndrome. The mayor thus resurrected the debate on abortion, an issue on which the PP drags 40 years of comings and goings and that ended the political career of former Minister of Justice Alberto Ruíz Gallardón. By the time he wanted to clarify his position, Pedro Sánchez had already announced a proposal to shield the right to abortion in the Constitution before the new attack of PP and Vox and involved, incidentally, to Feijóo in the internal maze of an uncomfortable debate in the party, but before which he reacted against the constitutional reform.
The result is a wandering leader unable to set his own north, with no more direction than the follow -up of the crazy investigations of the Judge Peinado on the wife of the President of the Government, and the waiting of an electoral call that does not arrive. Pedro Sánchez seems to continue with the batteries well loaded and willing to give all the battles, despite the obvious parliamentary weakness and the judicial causes that affect their family environment.
“Neither the whole smoke in the world will cover the scandals of your wife, your brother, the prosecutor, your partners, your Peugeot companions and your confidants in jail. Your mudder has the days counted. We are going to elections and that Spain speaks,” he wrote the PP in his official X account of X this Friday in what was read in the political left as “a symptom of the despair of Feijóo for the desperation of Feijóo. be a victim “of a double clamp: that of its barons and that of the Spanish ultra -right.”
In the absence of generals, the PP has also entangled this week with itself and its usual speakers in a debate about the convenience of an electoral advance in some of the communities in which it governs. And not even in this matter Feijóo manages to impose criteria among his barons. After all, it is they who govern and who have the power to call the polls. “In the background, Feijóo has reached the same place as Pablo Casado, which, given the impossibility of setting the framework of the public conversation in a country project, only wants elections wherever it is to project on the street the sensation that the generals are around the corner,” acknowledges a popular leader very critical with the absence of an incontestable leadership.
First he tried with Andalusia and Juan Manuel Moreno Bonilla, who flatly ruled out the proposal to anticipate elections in an autonomy where he governs with an absolute majority. As much as Feijóo needs a victory even if it is alien to reinforce its leadership, the Andalusian is not for the work of satisfying the wishes of the national president, and less at this time that Vox is on the rise throughout the national territory. To Moreno The greatest political crisis has also jumped this week since he is president: The scandal for the delay in the follow -up of at least two thousand cases of breast cancer in Andalusia.
And it has happened just at the moment when the PP had promoted positions in the surveys in the female vote as a result of the controversy due to the failures in the antimaltrate bracelets of women victims of macho violence and the audios of Koldo García, former advisor of José Luis Ábalos, about the use of the prostitution of the minister.
The fact is that the first event in the electoral calendar is set for March and will take place in Castilla y León, a territory in which Genoa believes that Alfonso Fernández Mañueco can have difficulty winning and in which the PSOE lost four years ago only for 16,000 votes and a point of difference. Feijóo does not want, they report popular sources, that the Castellanoleon Baron is the only one who passes through the polls in the first quarter of 2026 and has suggested to Extremadura and Aragon to do the same without obtaining a crisp response.
All in a context in which the leader of the PP does not awaken enthusiasm among their own, but much less between its electoral base, despite the fact that some polls keep the PP in first position, except for a survey published this week on Antena 3 and that has deflated the expectations of Genoa by placing the PSOE as the first political force. The work gives the right block (pp+vox) 185 seats, but records a remarkable rebound of the PSOE after summer and Sánchez as winner of the elections. The PP continues to bleed up for Voxthat would shoot until 74 seats, according to the aforementioned work. Some data that, in addition to the fact that they were published by a means of reference on the right, have turned on the alarms in a PP, which does not find the tone or course in their strategy, which has already left more than one million votes for the benefit of the Abascal Party and that begins to perceive the suspicion of even some of its main media referrals. That the journalist Vicente Vallés said this week in El Hormiguero that Sánchez is at his best, despite the loss of the parliamentary majority, has not gone unnoticed among the popular, who always saw a lighthouse to continue in the driver of the news of the night with the greatest audience.