Israel attacks Iran: who really has power in the Islamic Republic

This translated into a missile attack that left about 19 dead in the center of Israel.

However, inhabitants of the capital, Tehran, have declared that the authorities have failed to give an adequate response to what happened and many do not know what to do or how to respond to the possibility of greater attacks in the next few days.

They also point out that the responses of both the Supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Jameini, and the president, elected in July last year, Masoud fishshkian, fail to respond to the size of the situation.

But who should respond to the concerns of a fearful population in the middle of the worst attacks since the end of the war with Iraq in the 80s? What are the authorities that hold power in this country in the Middle East?

Ayatollah Ali Jamenei, as a supreme leader, is the most important institutional figure in the country.

According to article 109 of the Iranian Constitution, Jamenei, 85 and whose health has been the focus of interest in recent times, is the head of the State and the commander in chief of the Armed Forces, so “it can declare war and peace and mobilize the troops.”

It also has authority over the National Police and the controversial Moral Police, responsible for ensuring respect for Islamic traditions such as the use of Islamic hijab or veil.

The cleric also controls the body of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard (CGRI) – who suffered the death of his commander Hossein Salami during the weekend attacks – responsible for the internal security of the country, and its wing of volunteers, the Basij resistance force.

The Basij have repeatedly repressed the dissent in Iran in recent times.

The Constitution also gives the cleric the power to “appoint, dismiss and accept the resignations” of the members of the Guardians Council, an instance that controls the powers of the State; of the members of the Judiciary and the managers of the state media.

The leader can also call referendums and, above all, can “cease the President of the Republic.”

However, for this to occur, the president must be convicted by the Supreme Court of the country for “carelessness of the responsibilities that legally compete” or the Islamic Advisory Assembly (Parliament) must declare “its political incompetence”, as read in constitutional article 109.

In a nutshell Jamenei has the last word in the country since 1989, when it happened, after his death, to the founder of the Islamic Republic, the Ayatolá Ruhollah Musavi Jomeiní.

The president in Iran is “the highest official authority of the country, after the leader,” says article 113 of the Constitution.

Currently, this position is occupied by the Masoud Pezeshkian cardiologist, who was chosen in July last year.

The fundamental text gives the president the responsibility for the daily management of the Government and allows him to exercise great influence on internal policy and foreign affairs.

However, in security and defense issues its role is purely symbolic.

Likewise, the president's activities are always under the supervision of the Supreme Leader and other instances such as the Council of Guardians and Parliament.

In that sense, fishshkian, who has defined himself as a reformist, must seek that his projects – such as ending the “isolation of the country” and a change in the actions of the moral police – are approved by both the Supreme Leader and by the Council of Guardians.

The Iranian Constitution contemplates that the legislative and judicial powers are independent. However, the supreme leader can influence both.

In the case of Justice, the Supreme Leader is in charge to designate or dismiss the members of the Supreme Court.

The Parliament, meanwhile, is controlled by the Council of Guardians, an instance made up of six clergy and six jurists. All of which can be appointed by the supreme leader directly or indirectly.

The Council can annul the laws if they consider that they are “in contradiction with the principles and precepts of the official religious doctrine of the nation or the Constitution,” says article 72 of the fundamental text.

This organism is also in charge of guaranteeing the candidacies of the Iranians who aspire to a position of popular election. For the July elections last year, he objected to 74 postulates, including several women.

One of the issues that are always put on the table, even in times of crisis such as the one currently living, are the possibilities of a reform, such as those that the new president intends to introduce.

However, the options that some significant change occurs look distant, seen that the last word in the country has the Ayatolá Jamenei.

The supreme leader could block any reform that he considers to threaten the political system that prevails since 1979, which is a combination of democratic and theocratic elements. And could do it directly or through the other institutional instances.

This has already happened in the past.

The legal and institutional reforms that the moderate Mohamed Jatamí tried to promote during his mandate (1997-2005) in order to reduce censorship and control over the media were annulled by both the Council of Guardians and by Justice.

Both instances responded to the plans of the then president closing dozens of media and arrests.

However, the newly chosen fishshkian can play a key role for the future of Iran, because in case of Jamenei's death, he will participate in the Assembly that the Constitution provides to choose his successor.

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